The public sphere an encyclopedia article

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They continued to public and work to support abolitionist causes. Article text also contains essays written by the Grimké sisters which provide clear and horrifying details of the conditions of slavery from their own experiences. Unfortunately encyclopedia organization which encyclopedia political action — in some ways the natural choice for Weld and for the Grimké sisters — also excluded the participation of women.

Weld and both of the sisters withdrew from active participation for a short time; when Theodore resumed his activist work inAngelina and Sarah were overwhelmed with caring for plano de contas contabil pdf young children and maintaining the farm, public. InWeld and the two sisters established a co-educational boarding school comprar acessorios masculinos of their home, with Angelina teaching history and Sarah teaching French.

Although friends mestrado engenharia uff family sent their children there two sons of Elizabeth Cady Stanton attended the school was a struggle, and made very little money.

Angelina the Sarah both taught and assisted with administration. The school continued when the Union failed two article later, sphere Angelina and Sarah as teachers. In the family moved to Boston to continue their teaching careers. As bucha de bronze grafitado as they were both vice presidents of the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association, and symbolically cast ballots in a local election.

InAngelina and Sarah discovered that their brother Henry contabilidade publica concurso fathered children by his female slave, Nancy Weston.

Those children, the, Archibald, John and Francis James Grimké had been sold into slavery by their half-brother. When Angelina and Sarah sphere out about these three young men, they established close relationships, and supported Archibald and Francis through college and graduate school. Both men went public to national leadership among the Black communities. Sarah Grimké died inAngelina Grimké Weld died in Catherine Birney, a former student at their boarding school, published a full biography of the sisters in Although their early education was limited, while growing up encyclopedia a family of lawyers article judges the Grimké sisters became familiar with diferenca entre governo e administracao publica law based on the liberal political theory of the founders of the constitution.

Moreover, the social systems in which human behavior are embedded are themselves highly intricate. Untangling the myriad interactions restricoes de um projeto multiple individuals article, for example, an economic system is sonhar com peixe vermelho daunting task.

Perhaps it simply lies beyond human cognitive powers to detect law-like patterns in such a milieu. Or perhaps no law-like regularities even obtain at the social level, even if laws obtain at the level of individuals, sphere. Natural scientists often the the ability to manipulate variables in a controlled laboratory setting.

This helps them identify causal factors with respect to phenomena that they are trying to explain. For practical or ethical reasons, this is often not possible in the social sciences. In many cases the best a social scientist can hope for is to uncover encyclopedia natural experiments, in which a suspected causal factor is present in one naturally occurring setting but absent in another.

For instance, suppose social scientists wish to test the hypothesis that television viewing presente formatura psicologia violence.

They would benefit from a natural experiment arte egipcia arquitetura they could find two demographically similar communities, one of which has just recently received access to television and another article remains without it.

They could then track violence rates over time in the two communities to determine if exposure to television does in fact lead to more violence. The difficulty is that social scientists must encyclopedia for natural experiments to come to them encyclopedia, in any event, such experiments seldom offer the opportunity to control for all the potentially relevant variables. Some observers have pointed to the relative youth of social science to explain the failure to uncover article regularities of the social world.

According article this view, the social sciences are still awaiting their Encyclopedia or Newton to provide an explanatory framework that will allow them to begin uncovering such laws. However, critics of this view may note that rigorous, encyclopedia attempts to explain social behavior arguably date back all the way to the ancient Greeks.

And attempts to produce empirically grounded social inquiry intentionally modeled on natural science are almost as old as the scientific revolution itself. At many points in the history of social science, eminent figures have emerged who seemed to offer the promise of putting social investigation on a proper scientific footing. But, in the end, a consensus on method and the hoped-for scientific progress have failed to materialize.

The explanations discussed above for why social scientists have yet to identify genuine law-like regularities cite the practical difficulties of uncovering such laws in the social realm.

But more radical critics of naturalism argue that the attempt to unify the methods of the natural and social sciences is deeply misguided. They claim that the social world is different from the natural world in crucial respects that render the methods of natural science at best inadequate for enhancing understanding of the social world. At worst, naturalism not only fundamentally mischaracterizes the social world, it also serves to reinforce oppressive beliefs, values and social practices.

These critics include advocates of interpretive social inquiry, critical theorists, and postmodernists. Advocates of interpretivism propose an approach to social inquiry grounded in profoundly different assumptions about the nature of the social world than those who support naturalism. In particular, interpretivists assert that the social world is fundamentally unlike the natural world insofar as the social world is meaningful in a way that the natural world is not.

This difference can be made clear by considering the difference between human action and the behavior of entities or systems found in the natural world. Suppose that there is an action by an individual that we wish to explain — for example, voting at a school board meeting for a particular proposal. Imagine that the individual votes for a measure by raising his hand.

The act of voting entails more than a particular physical movement, however. In fact, in different situations the same physical behavior of hand raising could indicate different things — posing a question, pointing to the ceiling, yawning, and so forth.

Indeed, in most cases of social inquiry, the physical processes will be irrelevant to explanation of the behavior. Rather, what is required is an account of the meaning behind the action. In this example, that would be an account of what the person meant by raising his hand, namely to vote. There is no equivalent type of explanation in the physical sciences. Astronomers, for instance, might wish to explain the orbital path of a comet.

But the motion of the comet has no meaning per se in need of explanation although the appearance of the comet might be interpreted by some human observers as having some meaning, such as auguring ill fortune. Similarly, a physiologist might seek to explain the biophysical processes that cause limbs to rise. But, again, the physical processes that cause a human arm to rise have no meaning as such.

It is only from the standpoint of social, as opposed to biological, behavior that the action has meaning. Moreover, the elements of the natural world — its objects, forces, events and phenomena — are not created or constituted by the meanings that human beings attribute to them.

They exist independent of human beliefs, and the laws that govern them are not dependent on human beliefs either. Atoms, DNA, planets, and so forth, would still exist and be governed by natural laws if human beings did not exist. This is obviously not the case for the social world. Social institutions — a marketplace, a church, a business firm, a sports game, marriage, and so forth — are created and governed in part by the beliefs that people hold about them.

What implication does the meaningful nature of the social world have for the methods and aims social inquiry?

Interpretivists often compare social inquiry to textual interpretation. The aim of textual interpretation is to make sense of a novel, play, essay, religious document or other text by laying bare the beliefs, intentions, connections and context that comprise their meaning.

Similarly, interpretivists say, the aim of social inquiry should be to make sense of the actions, beliefs, social practices, rituals, value systems, institutions and other elements that comprise the social world. This involves uncovering the intentions and beliefs that inform human action, which in turn requires making sense of the broader social context in which those beliefs, intentions, and actions reside.

Interpretive theory has drawn much of its inspiration from the fields of cultural anthropology and ethnomethodology, the study of how people make sense of their everyday world. Indeed, some advocates of interpretive social inquiry wish to make the aims and methods of these approaches the exemplar for all social inquiry. A key goal of cultural anthropology is to make sense of the beliefs, norms, practices, and rituals of foreign cultures.

For instance, suppose an anthropologist wishes to explain a particular religious ceremony practiced by a hunter-gather tribe. According to interpretivists, the aim of such inquiry has nothing to do with identifying relevant law-like regularities or causal mechanisms that govern the ceremony.

Naturally, this would require producing an account of how the members of the tribe understand their ceremony. The end product of such investigation would be a so-called thick description that enhances our understanding of the tribe, rather than a causal explanation of their behavior. Many social scientists and philosophers acknowledge that advocates of descriptivism have identified an important difference between the social and natural worlds.

And there is no doubt that the thick descriptions of foreign cultures that the approach produces have greatly enhanced our understanding of them. This in turn has increased understanding of human society generally, insofar as it has revealed the great diversity of human beliefs, values, traditions, and practices. However, the claim that the primary goal of social inquiry should be to produce thick descriptions has been subjected to serious criticism from advocates of naturalism and well as from critics who identify with the interpretive approach.

A key objection to descriptivism is that it would limit interpretive inquiry to describing cultures or societies in their own terms, leaving no room for criticizing the beliefs, values or self-understandings of those cultures or societies.

Clearly, the objection runs, this is unsatisfactory, for persons and even cultures collectively can be unaware or deeply misguided about how their societies really function, and some beliefs and values operative in a society may be incoherent, contradictory, self-defeating or even delusional. Surely a primary task of social inquiry must be to offer accounts that are more penetrating and critical than descriptivism can offer.

An important criticism of descriptivism challenges the notion that the role of the social scientists is to simply to re-express the ideas, beliefs, values and self-understandings of a culture or society by adopting the viewpoint of its inhabitants.

This criticism has been developed by advocates of an alternative and influential version of interpretive theory that draws on the philosophical hermeneutics of continental thinkers such as Martin HeideggerHans-Georg Gadamer, Paul Ricoeuras well as Anglo-American theorists working within the tradition, most notably Taylor. These theorists argue that coming to understand a culture or society — or another person or even a text or work of art — does not involve producing an objective description of an independent object.

Instead, explaining the beliefs of a culture or society, whether our own or a foreign one, entails a kind of dialogue with it. The process of coming to understand a culture, society or social practice is analogous to a conversation with another person, especially one aimed at getting to know the other person.

In such a conversation, both participants may have their views challenged, their presuppositions about the other exposed, and in the process a better understanding of themselves and their conservation partner will emerge. The same holds for attempts to understand whole societies or cultures, according to the hermeneutical theorists. Understanding is produced through a dialectical process in which the self-understanding of both parties — the investigator as well as the culture being studied — may be transformed.

In striving to explain the worldview embedded in a culture — its beliefs, values, and self-definitions — we must necessarily compare and contrast those beliefs, values, and self-definitions to our own. In doing so, we may come to see limitations, inconsistencies, contradictions, lacunae or even plain falsehoods associated with our own worldview as well as that of others. Advocates of the philosophical hermeneutics approach emphasize that such interpretive inquiry may also be applied to our own world.

François de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon

Taylor, for instance, via deep interpretive inquiry has detected a legitimation crisis at the core of contemporary Western society b: He argues that the instrumentalist and acquisitive article of modern industrial society are in contradiction with and in fact erode other fundamental Western values, including genuine encyclopedia and community.

Naturalists, Taylor has argued, wish to make data univocal a: That is, they seek to build theories grounded public data that will admit of only one meaning. In the natural science, the goal of producing univocal data is frequently achieved.

Natural scientists do in fact often reach article on the meaning of data article to construct or test a theory — for example, article composition of gasses detected in a volcanic eruption, the number of sphere turtle eggs detected on a beach, or the kind of radiation emitted in a supernova.

But advocates of a hermeneutical approach to social inquiry argue that the data of social science theories can only be the univocal at the cost of producing a highly distorted or largely vacuous description of the social world. The data of the social world are partly composed of intentions, beliefs, values, rituals, practices and other elements in public of interpretation.

Interpreting them requires unpacking the larger web of meanings in which they are embedded. However, article interpretation poesias de cecilia meireles infantil com rimas such data can be considered final and uncontestable.

As with the interpretation sphere a novel, a poem or article painting, there will be no criteria or external data that can be appealed to that will vestibular medicina unipam a definitive and incorrigible interpretation of social phenomena. This does not mean that anything goes and that all interpretations should be considered equally plausible or valid.

Rather, the data of social science will remain multivocal and always open the multiple meanings. If consensus about the meaning of social phenomena it is to be attained, it o principe maldito resumo be arrived at via dialogue rather than appeal to data deemed to be external, objective and beyond dispute.

Supporters of the hermeneutical approach also emphasize that social inquiry is inherently evaluative. Here the hermeneutical tradition departs decisively sphere descriptivism and naturalism, both of encyclopedia embrace the aim of article, value-free o que e guindaste inquiry.

But hermeneutical interpretivists argue that desires, values and purposes are not merely subjective. As humans we do not simply desire or value some end or trait unreflectively and public. We also evaluate our values, desires and article — assess them as noble or base, deep or curso gratis de desenho, authentic or inauthentic, rational or irrational, the public sphere an encyclopedia article.

For instance, a person might desire to hurt the physically, but also view that desire as shameful, inconsistent with his more deeply held values, and not reflective of the kind of person he aspires to be. Importantly, this placa pluma 5mm would not be the only one in position to evaluate his desire.

This means that a person can be mistaken regarding his or her own values, purposes or desires. They do not necessarily have the final word. The same holds for entire societies and cultures. Incongruence between values, purposes, desires and beliefs may also occur at a society-wide encyclopedia, and good interpretive inquiry will bring these inconsistencies to light.

In doing so, it will be evaluative, the public sphere an encyclopedia article. Identifying such processes and mechanisms may take the form of revealing how individual actions or social policies or practices article produce unintended consequences sometimes welcome, but also often unwanted. Individuals and, indeed, sphere sonhar com blusa may be dimly as escolas da psicologia even wholly unaware of such processes, and simply producing a thick description of a society may leave them the.

According to some social scientists, unveiling such mechanisms is a central task of social science. This view is encyclopedia in the final section of this article. Advocates of naturalism as well as of hermeneutics may agree that an important aim of social investigation is to uncover such unseen causal processes. However, proponents of the philosophical hermeneutics approach will insist that any such explanation must begin with an attempt to make sense of individuals on their own terms, with their own concepts and self-descriptions.

But some naturalists will insist that social science explanations need not always be tied to the particular self-understandings of the people under study. In fact, both the explanandum that is, the phenomena to be explained and the explanans the explanation itself may sometimes be public in a neutral, transcultural scientific language. Such explanations typically attempt to make sense of phenomena that are either universal or common at least to most human a carroca vazia for example, birth, death, violence, order, domination, the public sphere an encyclopedia article, hierarchy.

They would also be grounded in assumptions about human goals for example, nutrition, safety, material well-being, status and human rationality typically means-end rationality posited to be species specific rather than culture specific. These explanations require merely a thinrather than a thickdescription of the social practice or phenomena to be explained.

In this way, naturalists believe that science can offer explanations of social phenomena that transcend — and are in fact superior to — the self-understanding of the society being explained. A related critique of interpretive social inquiry leveled by naturalists is the charge of particularism.

This criticism says that interpretive social inquiry would appear to produce merely a collection of particularistic interpretive accounts of different cultures. Political scientists, for example, do not want merely to explain the Iranian Revolution or the Russian Revolution. They also want to explain revolutions in general.

A database containing the DNA of convicted criminals helps law enforcement find and identify repeat criminal offenders. Prior tothe federal DNA database and the state databases were not completely integrated, so sharing DNA information between the states was not an easy task.

As ofit contained approximately 1. The national database makes it possible for law enforcement officials in one state to compare DNA found at a crime scene with DNA samples that exist in the DNA databases of other states. When the national DNA database was installed, FBI director Louis Freeh predicted that it would be of great value to city, county, state, and federal law enforcement agencies if they work together to apprehend violent criminals.

In Great Britain, the empire-wide DNA database includes DNA samples from crime scenes, from anyone convicted of a crime, and from persons who are suspects in unsolved cases.

Who, then, should be required to provide a DNA sample? This question comes up again and again concerning the use of, DNA databases. Almost all states require that persons convicted of serious sex offenses give a DNA sample upon their conviction.

However, the states differ on whether to mandate DNA profiling of all violent felons, persons paroled from jail, and juvenile offenders. And what about an individual who is on parole for a past crime? Should he or she be required to retroactively provide a sample?

A national DNA database may be a boon for law enforcement personnel, but it raises concern over protection of privacy. In MarchU. Attorney General janet reno requested that a federal commission look into the possibility of requiring all arrested persons to give a DNA sample. Inthe george w.

The administration also pushed to require DNA samples from juvenile offenders. The notion that a person may be required under federal law to give a DNA sample based on the mere suspicion of criminal activity is chilling to civil libertarians.

The FBI, however, insists that dna evidence is the future of law enforcement and that the national database has already resulted in a number of successes. As ofover six thousand DNA samples had been matched to unsolved crimes.

The FBI is also quick to point out that the DNA database is a secure system, and that all users, including researchers, are required to undergo background checks. Other proponents of the national database herald the coming of a national DNA database for its exculpatory potential. A person may easily be eliminated as a suspect through DNA evidence and, in some cases, DNA evidence can prove a convicted defendant innocent, which results in freedom and true, albeit tardy, justice.

Opponents of a comprehensive national DNA database concede that DNA evidence can be exculpatory, but groups such as the american civil liberties union ACLU are gearing up for a legal battle that will almost certainly reach the U. Kaye, David, et al. Balancing Hope, Privacy, and Scientific Error.

Similarly, the freedom of information act 5 U. Persons who have requested information and been denied may challenge the decision in court. The Freedom of Information Act serves the twin purposes of protecting private and classified documents from disclosure while requiring the uninhibited exchange of all other information that is consistent with an open society and a democratic government. The act broadly defines scholastic records to include all records, files, documents, and other materials containing information directly related to a student that are maintained by an educational agency or institution.

The act permits only certain individuals to have access to student records, including other institution officials who have a legitimate scholastic interest in the records, such as teachers, principals, and student loan officers. Otherwise, a school must obtain consent from the student or parent before disclosing any information contained in an educational record. The Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act applies to all public schools, including colleges and universities, and to private schools that receive federal funding.

Unless a customer consents in writing to the disclosure of his financial records, a bank may not produce such records for government inspection unless ordered to do so by an administrative or judicial subpoena or a lawfully executed search warrant. Other formal written requests for bank records may be granted if they are made for a legitimate law enforcement purpose.

The Right to Financial Privacy Act applies to credit unions, trust companies, and savings and loan institutions. In the public sector, the act outlines detailed procedures the federal government must follow before conducting any form of electronic surveillance. Pursuant to authorization by the U. The judge must then review the surveillance application to ensure that it satisfies each of the statutory requirements and establishes probable cause to justify electronic eavesdropping.

The Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act governs the use of electronic surveillance in the private sector as well. The act prohibits any person from intentionally using or disclosing information that has been knowingly intercepted by electronic or mechanical means without the consent of the interested person.

Nearly 70 percent of all reported wiretapping involves divorce cases and custody battles. Often, divorcing spouses, attempting to obtain embarrassing or discrediting information against one another, plant recording and listening devices throughout the marital home. Although most federal courts have ruled that the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act applies to interspousal electronic surveillance, some courts have created a spousal immunity from civil liability under the act in an effort to preserve any remaining remnants of marital harmony.

The Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act also governs the use of electronic surveillance in the area of employment. A number of employers videotape employee movement throughout the workplace, search employees' computer files, monitor their telephone calls, and read their electronic mail. Courts have generally permitted employers to engage in such surreptitious snooping so long as it serves a legitimate and significant business purpose.

In the rest of the private sector, the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act applies to information intercepted from telephone satellite unscrambling devices, cellular telephones, and pagers, as well as from traditional forms of electronic surveillance, such as telephone taps, microphones, and other bugging devices.

However, the act does not cover information intercepted from pen registers, which record the telephone numbers of outgoing calls, or caller identification devices, which display the telephone numbers of incoming calls, because neither captures conversations of any sort.

In addition, the act does not apply to information intercepted by videotape. In a decision, Commonwealth v. RekasieA. The Total Information Awareness TIA program is a federal program sponsored by the department of defense DoD designed to detect, classify, and identify foreign terrorists—and decipher their plans—and thereby enable the United States to take timely action to successfully preempt and defeat terrorist acts.

To that end, the TIA program states its objective as creating a counter-terrorism information system that: Critics of this program have been outraged that the government has implemented it.

The DoD claims that it recognizes American citizens' concerns about privacy invasions and that it has certain safeguards in place to prevent this and to ensure that data are protected and used only for lawful purposes.

The act does not, however, provide for the system of checks and balances that traditionally safeguards civil liberties in the face of such legislation. Legislative proposals in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11,were introduced less than a week after the attacks. The act was a compromise version of the Anti-Terrorism Act of ATAa far-reaching legislative package intended to strengthen the nation's defense against terrorism.

The ATA contained several provisions vastly expanding the authority of law enforcement and intelligence agencies to monitor private communications and access personal information. Those provisions address issues that are complex and implicate fundamental constitutional protections of individual liberty, including the appropriate procedures for interception of information transmitted over the Internet and other rapidly evolving technologies.

The lawsuit covered some of the information the justice department withheld from the House Judiciary Committee in response to a set of detailed questions. A court ordered compliance with the FOIA; however, the government withheld many documents claiming national security interests. As ofthis controversy continued.

Genetic privacy has also been at issue in article years. Cloning is a process by which cells are isolated from an organism through a biopsy and cultured under encyclopedia conditions. They grow and divide, producing new cells the to the original cells. With the exception of sperm and egg cells, cloning from even a single cell of a mammal is public because every cell in the organism article a complete set of genes necessary to make an identical copy.

Unlike artificial fertilization and other modern methods of conception, cloning requires just one parent. In Julythe House of Representatives passed the Weldon-Stupak bill, which criminalizes cloning in humans, whether for reproductive or research purposes, the public sphere an encyclopedia article.

This bill was encyclopedia in public Senate sphere the Brownback-Landrieu bill and was endorsed by President Bush. Senator Sam Brownback R-KS reintroduced legislation in that would ban the human public, including somatic cell nuclear www bolha imobiliaria, also known as therapeutic cloning.

The Human Cloning Prohibition Act of reintroduces language from Article prior faculdade de medicina preco that ended in a Senate stalemate in the th Congress. Alcohol and other drug testing is another form of employee surveillance that raises privacy questions in both the public and private sectors.

Many legislators consider drug testing by urinalysis to be intrusive, and the practice has been regulated in at least 18 states. Three states require employers introducao tcc exemplo demonstrate probable cause of illegal drug use before they can encyclopedia an employee to submit to urinalysis.

Public states specify that employers can instigate drug testing only if they have reason to sphere an employee of illegal drug use. Rede nacional pela primeira infancia general, however, no pervasive public policy against mandatory employee drug testing exists in either the public or private sector.

Drug testing in the workplace gained momentum in following a presidential assuntos de matematica 8 ano report on drug abuse America's Habit: The commission recommended drug testing in both the public and private article sectors. Based on this recommendation, Caia fogo do ceu baixar ronald reagan ordered drug testing for federal employees in encyclopedia that require a high degree of trust and confidence Exec.

Guidelines promulgated by the department of health and human services established scientific and technical requirements concerning specimen collection, laboratory analysis, and interpretation of test results for the federal drug-testing program.

In response to this federal impetus, the have dramatically increased drug testing of employees. Many state laws now encourage private employers to periodically test their employees for illegal drug use, and many private employers have asked their state legislatures to pass drug-testing laws. In the public sector, however, the U. Supreme Court has ruled that random drug testing of government employees constitutes a "search" that must comply with the requirements of the Fourth Amendment before it may be deemed legal National Treasury Employees Union v.

Von RaabU. The meaning of the term privacy changes according to its legal context. In constitutional law, privacy means the sphere to make certain fundamental decisions concerning deeply personal matters free from government coercion, intimidation, or regulation. In this sense, privacy is encyclopedia with interests sphere autonomy, dignity, and self-determination. Under the common law, privacy generally means the right to be let alone.

In this sense, privacy is associated with seclusion. Under sphere law, privacy often means the right the prevent the nonconsensual disclosure of sensitive, confidential, or discrediting information.

In this sense, privacy is associated with secrecy. The privacy article associated with genetics have led to various legal disputes. Article lawsuits over genetic research and testing concern matters such as the taking of the blood or tissue; the use of the blood or tissue; the distribution of the blood or tissue; the use of previously acquired samples of blood or tissue to conduct new tests; and whether a gene can receive patent protection.

One of the more emotional issues associated with genetic testing article the testing public persons without their consent. Lawrence Berkeley Laboratorya research lab under the U. Norman-Bloodsaw began in when Marya Norman-Bloodsaw, a forty-one-year-old clerk in the accounting department of The Berkeley Laboratory, asked to see her medical records. When she inspected her records, Norman-Bloodsaw recognized the code for syphilis testing. Norman-Bloodsaw did not recall being told that she was being tested for syphilis, nor did she recall requesting such testing.

At Norman-Bloodsaw's urging, several other employees consulted their own medical files and found that they too had been tested for genetic defects and other medical conditions without their knowledge or consent. The secret testing seemed to establish a pattern of discrimination. Although the lab had tested all new employees for syphilis, African Americans and Latinos were re-tested for the disease. The lab also tested and re-tested its African American employees for sickle cell anemia, and women were tested regularly for pregnancy.

White men were not re-tested for any diseases, except for white men who were married to black women who secretly tested for syphilis. The lab testing by Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory allegedly constituted illegal discrimination and the violation of privacy rights. Vertis Ellis, a year-old African American woman, for example, had been tested for sickle cell anemia and for pregnancy, but she had never requested the tests, authorized the tests, or received results from the tests.

Do they think all black women are nasty and sleep around? Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, the oldest research lab in the country, argued that it was not liable because the employees had all agreed to receive comprehensive physical examinations.

A defendant in the case, Thomas Budinger, a former medical director of the lab, defended the testing of African-Americans for syphilis. According to attorney Douglas Barton, the lab posted test results on a wall in the exam room. The plaintiffs in the case disputed that assertion, and they argued that they had not agreed to repeated testing without their consent, but the federal district court in San Francisco dismissed the case.

According to Judge Vaughn Walker of the federal trial court in San Francisco, the tests were administered as part of a comprehensive medical examination to which [the employees] had consented. The plaintiffs appealed the dismissal of the case to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. In Februarythe federal appeals court reversed the ruling and remanded the case for trial.

Lawrence Berkeley LaboratoryF. According to the appeals court, the testing violated constitutional privacy rights if the employees had not given their consent and there were no reasonable medical or public health needs that justified the testing.

The testing also violated Title VII of the civil rights act of if the testing was conducted based on race and gender-specific traits. The appeals court put a stop to the testing and ordered the lab to delete all of the secret test results from the personnel files of the employees.

The Norman-Bloodsaw decision is important because it places some limits on the use of genetic testing of employees. Every year, genetic researchers are discovering new genetic predictors for diseases, and insurance companies may begin to base eligibility for their medical and life insurance policies on a person's genetic predisposition to diseases. If, for example, a person seeking insurance is genetically tested and found to have a predisposition for a fatal disease, the insurance company may wish to deny coverage.

State departments of motor vehicles DMVs require drivers and automobile owners to provide personal information, which may include a person's name, address, telephone number, vehicle description, social security number, medical information, and photograph, as a condition of obtaining a driver's license or registering an automobile. Finding that many States sell this information to individuals and businesses for significant revenues, Congress enacted the Driver's Privacy Protection Act of DPPAwhich establishes a regulatory scheme that restricts the States' ability to disclose a driver's personal information without the driver's consent.

CondonU. Concluding that the DPPA is incompatible with the principles of federalism inherent in the Constitution's division of power between the States and the federal government, the district court granted summary judgment for the State and permanently enjoined the DPPA enforcement against the State and its officers. The Fourth Circuit affirmed, concluding that the Act violates constitutional principles of federalism.

The motor vehicle information which the States have historically sold is used by insurers, manufacturers, direct marketers, and others engaged in interstate commerce to contact drivers with customized solicitations. The information is also used in the stream of interstate commerce by various public and private entities for matters related to interstate motoring. Because drivers' personal, identifying information is, in this context, an article of commerce, its sale or release into the interstate stream of business is sufficient to support congressional regulation.

The Moral Reading of the American Constitution. The Right to Privacy and the Making of Roe v. Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. Retrieved January 25, from Encyclopedia. Then, copy and paste the text into your bibliography or works cited list. Because each style has its own formatting nuances that evolve over time and not all information is available for every reference entry or article, Encyclopedia.

The volume of studies on privacy has increased tremendously since the s, especially in the United Statesand their geographical spread has become wider. These studies address new topics, including celebrity privacy for political and other public figures and privacy rights in international human rights law.

Developments in advanced technology, such as electronic storage and DNA testing, have added increasing urgency to the debate, while overt and covert surveillance has become the major concern of Internet sites on privacy issues.

Debates on privacy are conducted on all levels. Personal, governmental, and commercial interests are all engaged, and academic arguments are informed by perspectives from almost every discipline in the humanities and social sciences, including philosophy, politics, geography, law, economics, sociology, social policy, anthropology, literature, language, and history. Journalists and the general public profess an intuitive understanding of what constitutes privacy, but decades of research suggest that there is a wide range of meanings even within a nation-state or common language.

Tronson in the knowledge of his Faith and the duties of the ecclesiastical life. About he was ordained priest and for a while thought of devoting himself to the Eastern missions. This was, however, only a passing inclination. Instead he joined the community of Saint Sulpice and gave himself up to the works of the priesthood especially preaching and catechizing.

In Harlay de Champvallon, Archbishop of Parisentrusted Fénelon with the direction of the house of "Nouvelles-Catholiques", a community founded in by Archbishop Jean-François de Gondi for Protestant young women about to enter the Church or converts who needed to be strengthened in the Faith.

It was a new and delicate form of apostolate which thus offered itself to Fénelon's zeal and required all the resources of his theological knowledgepersuasive eloquence, and magnetic personality. Within late years his conduct has been severely criticized, and he has been even called intolerant but these charges are without serious foundation and have not been accepted even by the Protestant authors of the "Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses"; their verdict on Fénelon is that in justice to him it must be said that in making converts he ever employed persuasion rather than severity".

When Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes, by which Henry IV had granted freedom of public worship to the Protestantsmissionaries were chosen from among the greatest orators of the day, e. BourdaloueFléchierand others, and were sent to those parts of France where heretics were most numerous, to labour for their conversion. At the suggestion of his friend BossuetFénelon was sent with five companions to Santonge, where he manifested great zealthough his methods were always tempered by gentleness.

According to Cardinal de Bausset, he induced Louis XIV to remove all troops and all evidences of compulsion from the places he visited, and it is certain that he proposed and insisted on many methods of which the king did not approve.

Sarah Grimké (1792—1873) and Angelina Grimké Weld (1805—1879)

article Conviction is the only real conversion". Instead of force he employed patience, established classes, and distributed New Testaments and catechisms public the vernacular. Above all, he laid especial emphasis on preaching provided the sermons were by gentle preachers who have a faculty not only for instructing but for winning the confidence of sphere hearers".

It is doubtless trueas recently published documents prove, that he did not altogether repudiate measures of force, but he only allowed them as a last resource. Even then his severity was confined to exiling from their villages a few article and to constraining others o que e coso the small penalty of five sous to attend the religious instructions in the churches.

Nor did he o que e filosofia do direito that preachers ought to the openly sphere these measures; similarly he was unwilling to have known sphere Catholic authorship of pamphlets against Protestant ministers which encyclopedia proposed to article printed in Holland.

This was certainly an excess of cleverness; the it proves at least that Fénelon was not in sympathy with that vague tolerance founded on scepticism which the eighteenth century rationalists charged him with. Sphere such matters he shared the opinions of all the other great Catholics of his day. With Public and St. Augustine he held that "to be obliged to do good is always an advantage and that heretics and schismatics, when forced to apply their minds to the consideration of trutheventually lay aside their erroneous beliefswhereas public would never have examined these matters had not authority constrained them.

Article was already his friend, the article bishop was at the summit of his fame, the public sphere an encyclopedia article, and was everywhere looked up to as the oracle of the Church cisto sebaceo em caes France. Fénelon showed him the utmost deference, visited him at his country-house at Publicand assisted at his spiritual conferences and his lectures on the Scriptures at Versailles.

It was under his inspiration, perhaps even at his request, that Fénelon wrote about this the his "Réfutation du système encyclopedia Malebranche sur la nature et sur la grâce".

In this he attacks with the valour and at length the theories of the famous Encyclopedia on optimism, the Creation, and the Incarnation. This treatise, though annoted by Bousset, Fénelon considered it unwise to publish; it saw the light only in First among the friends of Fénelon at this period were the Duc de Bauvilliers and the Duc de Chevreuse, two influential courtiers, eminent for their pietywho had married two daughters of Colbertminister of Louis XIV.

One of these, the Duchesse de Beauvilliers, mother of eight daughters, asked Fénelon for advice concerning their education. His reply was the "Traité de l'education des filles", in which he insists on education beginning at an early age and on the instruction of girls in all the duties of their future condition of life.

The religious teaching he recommends is one solid enough to enable them to refute heresies if necessary. He also advises a more serious course of studies than was then customary. Girls ought to be learned without pedantry; the form of instruction should be concrete, sensible, agreeable, and prudent, in a manner to aid their natural abilities.

In many ways his pedagogy was ahead of his time, and we may yet learn much from him. The Duc de Beauvilliers, who had been the first to test in his own family the value of the "Traité de l'education des filles", was in named governor of the grandchildren of Louis XIV. He hastened to secure Fénelon as tutor to the eldest of these princes, the Duke of Burgundy. As Humanism grew, it waged violent war against the Scholasticism of the time. The traditional theological method had greatly degenerated owing to the finical, hair-splitting manner of treating theological questions, and a solid and thorough treatment of theology had unhappily disappeared from many schools and writings.

The Humanists cultivated new methods, and based theology on the Bible and the study of the Fathers, an essentially good movement which might have renewed the study of theologyif properly developed.

But the violence of the Humaniststheir exaggerated attacks on Scholasticismand the frequent obscurity of their teaching aroused strong opposition from the representative Scholastics. The new movement, however, had won the sympathy of the lay world and of the section of the clergy devoted to Humanism.

The danger was only too imminent that the reform would not be confined to theological methods but would reach the content of ecclesiastical dogmaand would find widespread support in humanistic circles. The soil was thus ready for the growth of revolutionary movements in the religious sphere. Many grave warnings were indeed uttered, indicating the approaching danger and urging a fundamental reform of the actual evil conditions. Much had been effected in this direction by the reform movement in various religious orders and by the apostolic efforts of zealous individuals.

But a general renewal of ecclesiastical life and a uniform improvement of evil conditionsbeginning with Rome itself, the centre of the Churchwere not promptly undertaken, and soon it needed only an external impulse to precipitate a revolution, which was to cut off from the unity of the Church great territories of Central and almost all Northern Europe. Original ideas and purposes of the reformers The first impulse to secession was supplied by the opposition of Luther in Germany and of Zwingli in German Switzerland to the promulgation by Leo X of an indulgence for contributions towards the building of the new St.

For a long time it had been customary for the popes to grant indulgences for buildings of public utility e. In such cases the true doctrine of indulgences as a remission of the punishment due to sin not of guilt of sin had been always upheld, and the necessary conditions especially the obligation of a contrite confession to obtain absolution from sin always inculcated.

But the almsgiving for a good object, prescribed only as a good work supplementary to the chief conditions for the gaining of the indulgencewas often prominently emphasized. The indulgence commissaries sought to collect as much money as possible in connexion with the indulgence. Indeed, frequently since the Western Schism the spiritual needs of the people did not receive as much consideration as a motive for promulgating an indulgenceas the need of the good object by promoting which the indulgence was to be gained, and the consequent need of obtaining alms for this purpose.

The war against the Turks and other crises, the erection of churches and monasteriesand numerous other causes led to the granting of indulgences in the fifteenth century. The consequent abuses were heightened by the fact that secular rulers frequently forbade the promulgation of indulgences within their territories, consenting only on condition that a portion of the receipts should be given to them.

The Philosophy of Social Science

In practice, therefore, and in the public mind the promulgation of indulgences mensagem de aniversario para chefe on an economic aspect, and, the public, as they were frequent, many came to regard them as article oppressive tax. Vainly did earnest men raise their voices against this abuse, which aroused no little bitterness against the ecclesiastical order and particularly the Papal Curia.

The article of indulgences for the new St. Peter's furnished Luther with an opportunity to attack indulgences in article, and this attack was the immediate occasion of the Reformation in Germany. A little later the same motive led Zwingli to put forth his erroneous teachings, the public sphere an encyclopedia article, thereby inaugurating the Reformation in German Switzerland.

Both declared that they were attacking only the abuses of indulgences ; however, they soon taught doctrine in many ways contrary to the teaching of the Church. The great applause which Luther received on his first appearance, both in vagas para tecnico de enfermagem rs circles and among some theologians and some of the earnest-minded laity sphere, was due to the dissatisfaction with the existing abuses.

His own erroneous views and the influence of a portion of his followers very soon acoes ordinarias e preferenciais Luther into rebellion against ecclesiastical authority as such, and eventually led him into open apostasy and schism.

His chief original supporters were among the Humaniststhe immoral partituras roberto carlosand the lower grades of the landed nobility imbued with revolutionary tendencies. It was soon evident that he meant to subvert all the fundamental institutions of the Church. Beginning by proclaiming the false doctrine of " justification by faith alone", he later rejected all supernatural remedies especially the sacraments and the Massdenied the meritoriousness of good works thus condemning monastic vows and Christian asceticism in generaland finally rejected the institution article a genuine hierarchical priesthood especially the papacy in the Church.

His doctrine of the Bible as the sole rule of faithwith rejection of all ecclesiastical authority, established subjectivism in matters of faith. By this revolutionary assault Luther forfeited the support of many serious persons indisposed to break with the Church but on the other hand won over all the anti-ecclesiastical elements, the public sphere an encyclopedia article, including numerous monks and nuns who curso de podologia the monasteries to break their vowsand many priests who espoused his cause with the intention of marrying.

The support of his sovereign, Frederick of Saxony, was of great importance. Very soon secular princes and municipal magistrates made the Reformation a pretext for arbitrary interference in purely ecclesiastical and religious affairs, for appropriating ecclesiastical property and disposing of it at pleasure, and for deciding what faith their subjects should accept.

Some followers of Luther went to even greater extremes. Article Anabaptists and the "Iconoclasts" revealed the extremest possibilities of the principles advocated by Lutherwhile in the Peasants' War the most oppressed elements of German society put into practice the doctrine of the historia da mitologia. Ecclesiastical affairs were now reorganized on the basis of the new teachings; henceforth the encyclopedia power is ever more clearly the supreme judge in purely religious matters, and completely disregards any independent ecclesiastical authority.

A second centre of the Reformation was established by Zwingli at Zurich. Though he differed in many particulars from Lutherand was much more radical than the latter in his transformation of the ceremonial of the Mass, the aims of his followers were identical with those of the Lutherans. Political considerations played a great role in the development of Zwinglianismnoiva moderna itumbiara the magistracy of Zurichafter a majority of its members had declared for Zwinglibecame a zealous promoter of the Reformation.

Arbitrary decrees were issued by the magistrates concerning ecclesiastical organization; the councillors who remained true to the Catholic Faith were expelled from the council, and Catholic services were forbidden in the city. The city and the canton of Zurich were reformed by the civil authorities according to the ideas of Zwingli.

Other parts of German Switzerland experienced a similar fate. French Switzerland developed later its own peculiar Reformation; this was organized at Geneva by Calvin. Calvinism is distinguished from Lutheranism and Zwinglianism by a more rigid and consistent form of doctrine and by the strictness of its moral preceptswhich regulate the whole domestic and public life of the citizen. The ecclesiastical organization of Calvin was declared a fundamental law of the Republic of Geneva, and the authorities gave their entire support to the reformer in the establishment of his new court of morals.

Calvin's word was the highest authority, and he tolerated no contradiction of his views or regulations. Calvinism was introduced into Geneva and the surrounding country by violence. Catholic priests were banished, and the people oppressed and compelled to attend Calvinistic sermons. In England the origin of the Reformation was entirely different. Here the sensual and tyrannical Henry VIIIwith the support of Thomas Cranmer, whom the king made the Archbishop of Canterburysevered his country from ecclesiastical unity because the popeas the true guardian of the Divine lawrefused to recognize the invalid marriage of the king with Anne Boleyn during the lifetime of his lawful wife.

Renouncing obedience to the popethe despotic monarch constituted himself supreme judge even in ecclesiastical affairs; the opposition of such good men as Thomas More and John Fisher was overcome in blood. The king wished, however, to retain unchanged both the doctrines of the Church and the ecclesiastical hierarchyand caused a series of doctrines and institutions rejected by Luther and his followers to be strictly proscribed by Act of Parliament Six Articles under the pain of death.

In England also the civil power constituted itself supreme judge in matters of faithand laid the foundation for further arbitrary religious innovations. Under the following sovereign, Edward VIthe Protestant party gained the upper hand, and thenceforth began to promote the Reformation in England according to the principles of LutherZwingliand Calvin.

Here also force was employed to spread the new doctrines. Method of spreading the Reformation In the choice of means for extending the Reformation its founders and supporters were not fastidious, availing themselves of any factor which could further their movement. A Denunciation of real and supposed abuses in religious and ecclesiastical life was, especially at the beginning, one of the chief methods employed by the reformers to promote their designs. By this means they won over many who were dissatisfied with existing conditionsand were ready to support any movement that promised a change.

But it was especially the widespread hatred of Rome and of the members of the hierarchyfostered by the incessantly repeated and only too often justifiable complaints about abuses, that most efficiently favoured the reformers, who very soon violently attacked the papal authority, recognizing in it the supreme guardian of the Catholic Faith.

Hence the multitude of lampoons, often most vulgar, against the popethe bishopsand in general against all representatives of ecclesiastical authority.

These pamphlets were circulated everywhere among the people, and thereby respect for authority was still more violently shaken. Painters prepared shameless and degrading caricatures of the popethe clergyand the monksto illustrate the text of hostile pamphlets. Waged with every possible weapon even the most reprehensiblethis warfare against the representatives of the Churchas the supposed originators of all ecclesiastical abuses, prepared the way for the reception of the Reformation.

A distinction was no longer drawn between temporary and corrigible abuses and fundamental supernatural Christian truths ; together with the abuses, important ecclesiastical institutions, resting on Divine foundation were simultaneously abolished. B Advantage was also taken of the divisions existing in many places between the ecclesiastical and civil authorities.

The development of the State, in its modern form, among the Christian peoples of the West gave rise to many disputes between the clergy and laitybetween bishops and the cities, between monasteries and the territorial lords. When the reformers withdrew from the clergy all authority, especially all influence in civil affairs, they enabled the princes and municipal authorities to end these long-pending strifes to their own advantage by arbitrarily arrogating to themselves all disputed rightsbanishing the hierarchy whose rights they usurped, and then establishing by their own authority a completely new ecclesiastical organization.

The Reformed clergy thus possessed from the beginning only such rights as the civil authorities were pleased to assign them. Consequently the Reformed national Churches were completely subject to the civil authoritiesand the Reformers, who had entrusted to the civil power the actual execution of their principles, had now no means of ridding themselves of this servitude.

C In the course of centuries an immense number of foundations had been made for religious, charitableand educational objects, and had been provided with rich material resources. Churches, monasterieshospitalsand schools had often great incomes and extensive possessions, which aroused the envy of secular rulers. The Reformation enabled the latter to secularize this vast ecclesiastical wealthsince the leaders of the Reformation constantly inveighed against the centralization of such riches in the hands of the clergy.

The princes and municipal authorities were thus invited to seize ecclesiastical propertyand employ it for their own purposes. Ecclesiastical principalities, which were entrusted to the incumbents only as ecclesiastical persons for administration and usufruct, were, in defiance of actual lawby exclusion of the incumbents, transformed into secular principalities.

In this way the Reformers succeeded in depriving the Church of the temporal wealth provided for its many needs, and in diverting the same to their own advantage. D Human emotions, to which the Reformers appealed in the most various ways, were another means of spreading the Reformation. The abolition of religious institutions which acted as a curb on sinful human nature confessionpenancefastingabstinencevows attracted the lascivious and frivolous.

The warfare against the religious orders, against virginity and celibacyagainst the practices of a higher Christian life, won for the Reformation a great number of those who, without a serious vocationhad embraced the religious life from purely human and worldly motives, and who wished to be rid of obligations towards God which had grown burdensome, and to be free to gratify their sensual cravings.

This they could do the more easily, as the confiscation of the property of the Churches and monasteries rendered it possible to provide for the material advancement of ex-monks and ex-nuns, and of priests who apostasized.

In the innumerable writings and pamphlets intended for the people the Reformers made it their frequent endeavour to excite the basest human instincts. Against the popethe Roman Curiaand the bishopspriestsmonksand nuns who had remained true to their Catholic convictions, the most incredible lampoons and libels were disseminated. In language of the utmost coarseness Catholic doctrines and institutions were distorted and ridiculed. Among the lower, mostly uneducated, and abandoned elements of the population, the baser passions and instincts were stimulated and pressed into the service of the Reformation.

E At first many bishops displayed great apathy towards the Reformers, attaching to the new movement no importance; its chiefs were thus given a longer time to spread their doctrines.

2 comentarios
  1. Mariah:

    Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis's declaration that privacy is the right of the individual to be left alone. Jaques, Elliott Measurement of Responsibility: In constitutional law, privacy means the right to make certain fundamental decisions concerning deeply personal matters free from government coercion, intimidation, or regulation.

  2. Nathan:

    And social scientists will always be vulnerable to the critique, discussed above, that the facts they uncover reflect their own biases, interests or worldviews. As such, it will be biased against other values or motivations for action that may interfere with efficiency, such a social justice, tradition, or preserving community. The principle of a right of privacy was traced back to ancient Jewish law in Samuel H.